Malcolm X. Oxford Union Debate, Dec. 3 1964

Dec. 3, 1964  |

Full speech : Malcolm X. Oxford Union Debate, Dec. 3 1964

« You are referring to my treatment of the previous speaker? You make my point! That as long as a white man does it, it’s alright, a black man is supposed to have no feelings . But when a black man strikes back he’s an extremist, he’s supposed to sit passively and have no feelings, be nonviolent, and love his enemy no matter what kind of attack, verbal or otherwise, he’s supposed to take it. But if he stands up in any way and tries to defend himself, then he’s an extremist.

No, I think that the speaker who preceded me is getting exactly what he asked for. My reason for believing in extremism, intelligently directed extremism, extremism in defense of liberty, extremism in quest of justice, is because I firmly believe in my heart, that the day that the black man takes an uncompromising step, and realizes that he’s within his rights, when his own freedom is being jeopardized, to use any means necessary to bring about his freedom, or put a halt to that injustice, I don’t think he’ll be by himself. I live in America where there are only 22 million blacks against probably 160 million whites. One of the reasons that I am in no way reluctant or hesitant to do whatever is necessary to see that black people do something to protect themselves, I honestly believe that the day that they do, many whites will have more respect for them, and there’ll be more whites on their side than there are now on their side with these little wishy-washy “love thy enemy” approach that they have been using up until now. And if I am wrong than you are racialist.

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The Double Sting – Death of a Russian cop

July 27, 2015 |   |  The  New Yorker

Boris Kolesnikov’s rise as a corruption fighter in the Interior Ministry was unusually rapid—and ultimately fatal.

Boris Kolesnikov’s rise as a corruption fighter in the Interior Ministry was unusually rapid—and ultimately fatal.

The line for lawyers and family members to get into Lefortovo prison starts to form around five in the morning. The building, on a quiet street just east of Moscow’s Third Ring Road, now officially belongs to the Ministry of Justice, but it’s still informally known as the prison of the F.S.B., a successor agency to the K.G.B. Early on June 16, 2014, one of the prisoners awaiting visitors was Boris Kolesnikov, a general who had been the deputy head of the Interior Ministry’s anticorruption department. Along with nearly a dozen other officers from his unit, he had been charged with entrapment and abuse of authority, running an “organized criminal organization” that illegally ensnared state bureaucrats in artificially provoked corruption schemes.

Kolesnikov’s lawyer, Sergei Chizhikov, arrived around dawn and stood in line for several hours. At 9 A.M., guards began letting in a few people at a time. By eleven, Chizhikov was still waiting. Eventually, a guard told him that his client had been taken to another site, the headquarters of the Investigative Committee—the Russian equivalent of the F.B.I.—for questioning. “Look for him there,” the guard said.
When Chizhikov finally made it to an interrogation room on the Investigative Committee’s sixth floor, he found Kolesnikov seated at a table with an investigator and two guards. Kolesnikov, who was thirty-six, was clean-shaven and dressed in a blue tracksuit. He had the muscular frame of a cop, but a smooth, youthful face and puffy cheeks.

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Hume on Free Will

Oct 7, 2014 |  Paul Russell |  Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy

First published Fri Dec 14, 2007; substantive revision Tue Oct 7, 2014

« But to proceed in this reconciling project with regard to the question of liberty and necessity; the most contentious question of metaphysics, the most contentious science… » —David Hume (EU, 8.23/95)

David Hume is widely recognized as providing the most influential statement of the “compatibilist” position in the free will debate — the view that freedom and moral responsibility can be reconciled with (causal) determinism. The arguments that Hume advances on this subject are found primarily in the sections titled “Of liberty and necessity”, as first presented in A Treatise of Human Nature(2.3.1–2) and, later, in a slightly amended form, in the Enquiry concerning Human Understanding(sec. 8). Although there is considerable overlap in content between these two statements of Hume’s position, there are also some significant differences. This includes, for example, some substantial additions in the Enquiry discussion as it relates to problems of religion, such as predestination and divine foreknowledge. While these differences are certainly significant they should not be exaggerated. Hume’s basic strategy and compatibilist commitments in both works remain the same in their essentials

It has become common practice to treat the two sections “Of liberty and necessity” as self-standing contributions that can be fully understood more or less in isolation from Hume’s philosophical commitments and principles as found outside these sections. (Many anthologies present one or other of these sections as complete statements of Hume’s position on this subject.) There is, nevertheless, an intimate and complex relationship between what Hume has to say in the sections “Of liberty and necessity” and his moral psychology and philosophical system as a whole. Neglect of these features has led to some serious misunderstanding concerning the character and content of Hume’s compatibilism. Having said this, it is equally important to acknowledge that the established or “classical” interpretation of Hume’s views on this subject has served as the foundation for the subsequent development of compatibilist strategy over the past two centuries — especially as found in various prominent representatives of the 20th century empiricist tradition (e.g., Ayer, Schlick, et al.).

This article will be arranged around a basic contrast between two alternative interpretations of Hume’s compatibilist strategy: the “classical” and “naturalistic” interpretations. According to the classical account, Hume’s effort to articulate the conditions of moral responsibility, and the way they relate to the free will problem, should be understood primarily in terms of his views about thelogic of our concepts of “liberty” Lire la suite

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11 février 1917 |  Antonio Gramsci 

Antonio Gramsci _  je hais les indifferentsJe hais les indifférents. Je crois comme Friedrich Hebbel que « vivre signifie être partisans ». Il ne peut exister seulement des hommes, des étrangers à la cité. Celui qui vit vraiment ne peut qu’être citoyen, et prendre parti. L’indifférence c’est l’aboulie, le parasitisme, la lâcheté, ce n’est pas la vie. C’est pourquoi je hais les indifférents.

L’indifférence est le poids mort de l’histoire.  C’est le boulet de plomb pour le novateur, c’est la matière inerte où se noient souvent les enthousiasmes les plus resplendissants, c’est l’étang qui entoure la vieille ville et la défend mieux que les murs les plus solides, mieux que les poitrines de ses guerriers, parce qu’elle engloutit dans ses remous limoneux les assaillants, les décime et les décourage et quelquefois les fait renoncer à l’entreprise héroïque.

L’indifférence œuvre puissamment dans l’histoire. Elle œuvre passivement, mais elle œuvre. Elle est la fatalité; elle est ce sur quoi on ne peut pas compter; elle est ce qui Lire la suite

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Trevor Noah on the irony of the Uk border

The brillant South African comedian Trevor Noah on the irony of the Uk border.
Enjoy 😉

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This Is What Winning Looks Like, Ben Anderson Documentary

May, 27   2013 |  Ben Anderson |   Vice News

The police chief first said that the boys had chosen to live on the patrol bases: “They like being there and giving their asses at night.” He also claimed that the practice of soldiers sexually abusing them was necessary. “If my commanders don’t fuck these boys, who will they fuck? Their own grandmothers?”  ( This Is What Winning Looks Like Documentary, 52:40)

This Is What Winning Looks Like is a documentary film about the War in Afghanistan by Ben Anderson.

Initially in 2007, Anderson was documenting the « undermanned [and] underequipped » British forces fighting the Taliban in Helmand, Afghanistan. The documentary begins in December 2012, when Anderson followed U.S. Marines as they trained Afghan security forces to take control for when U.S. forces leave Afghanistan; the film shows that the transition is less than seamless as there are killings and sexual molestation of children, heavy drug addiction, corruption, and false imprisonment of prisoners by Afghan police officers; at the same time, there are Afghan officers who truly do want to enforce law justly. Further perceived negative impact comes from American and British officials only receiving and broadcasting the message that they are succeeding in Afghanistan, even in spite of the beliefs of U.S. Marine Major Bill Steuber, the commanding officer of the police advisory team. Anderson says, « All it is now is about getting out and saving face. We’re [U.S. forces] not leaving because we achieved our goals. We’re leaving because we’ve given up on achieving those goals. »

Read the full article here:…

Follow @BenJohnAnderson on Twitter here:

Watch the podcast interview with Ben Anderson, the producer of « This Is What Winning Looks Like, » here: Lire la suite

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La fatwa d’apostasie de l’ayatollah Eric Zemmour

22 Juin 2015 |  Adam Zerbeinstein |   eplumeBlog 

Eric Zemmour vient de nous pondre une fatwa à  l’ « l’ayatollah style » voire pire, une fatwa en parfaite concordance avec l’extrémisme et la folie meurtrière de Daesh.

Dans les faits, Eric Zemmour qualifie d’apostat et d’infidèle tout musulman buvant de l’alcool, mangeant du porc ou encore tout musulman se revendiquant républicain.

C’était lors du débat ayant eu lieu à Nice(15 juin 2015) avec Michel Onfray …. Lorsque Michel Onfray évoque l’existence de différentes lectures de l’islam et notamment l’existence de musulmans qui boivent de l’alcool, d’autres qui mangent du porc et d’autres tout simplement qui se reconnaissent dans le système républicain ; A cela, Eric Zemmour répond avec une affirmation catégorique que ces musulmans ne sont plus des musulmans, ce qui se traduit par les qualifier d’apostats (et donc passible de peine de mort suivant la même logique extrémiste d’Eric Zemmour).

Une Fatwa intégriste de Eric Zemmour à l’image de son projet idéologique aussi belliqueux que celui des pires extrémistes.

En réalité, cette fatwa d’apostasie de Zemmour me parait être d’un extrémise inégalé et ne trouve d’appui que dans la littérature d’extrémistes religieux. D’ailleurs, je pense que même les auteurs du 11 septembre vont trouver cette fatwa de Zemmour un peu extrémiste.

Je me demande donc si, au final, Zemmour n’est tout simplement pas aussi extrémiste que ses prétendus ennemis radicaux.  D’ailleurs, Il est indénibale que Eric Zemmour partage la même lecture de l’islam que les pires extremistes et terroristes qui puissent exister de nos jours.

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